Tag: communist

  • The “Reflector” television show

    The “Reflector” television show

     

    The history of the mass media during communist years includes a small, somewhat honourable chapter, in which journalists tried to implement professional ethics and be the voice of society. The years between 1966 and 1971 were the best for the media under the communist regime, and some shows were successful with the public. This was the case of the “Reflector” television show in which dysfunctions in public institutions and abuse by political actors were exposed to public judgment.

     

    “Reflector” was an attempt at trustworthy journalism, although within certain limits. The ideology of the Romanian Communist Party was off limits, and so were the nature of the government’s power, the social and political order. Equally taboo were the leader Nicolae Ceaușescu, his family and relatives, senior party officials, the army, the repressive apparatus formed by the Militia and the Securitate, the judiciary and the financial-banking sector. As a rule, “Reflector” addressed abuse and irregularities in the consumer economy sector.

     

    “Reflector” started in 1967 and was designed after similar shows in the Western press. The opening of the Romanian Television to the West was due to the journalists Silviu Brucan, the president of the public television broadcaster, influenced by the US media, and Tudor Vornicu, a former correspondent in France and familiar with the French media.

     

    The journalist Ion Bucheru, then vice-president of the Romanian Television, was the one who coordinated the show’s production team. In a 1997 interview for the Oral History Centre of the Romanian Radio Broadcasting Corporation, Bucheru explained what the success of the segment actually meant:

     

    Ion Bucheru: “I was in charge of ‘Reflector’ on behalf of the institution’s management. During those years, Reflector had come to be aired twice a week, while another show, ‘Ancheta sociala’ (‘Social Inquiry’), was broadcast at least every two weeks. ‘Reflector’ was 20-25 minute long, and ‘Ancheta’ had reached 50 minutes and even an hour, it had become an institution. People would write to ‘Reflector’ and to ‘Ancheta sociala’. The 5 people who were producing the ‘Reflector’ were like prosecutors who exercised their profession on behalf of the people. They had personal correspondence, they were simply called by people who no longer had any other hope or by institutions that had exhausted all legal means of settling disputes with private individuals or with other institutions.”

     

    Appearing on television in those days, especially in outrageous cases of abuse, incompetence or negligent handling of public property, was something of an ominous prospect for anyone. That is why the name ‘Reflector’ sparked panic whenever it was pronounced.

     

    Ion Bucheru: “We had reached a point where we were ending the ‘Reflector’ segment with a frame, an image and a text. The image showed a black car driving away in exhaust smoke or dust, and the text would read, ‘In this car, comrade minister so-and-so is leaving the ministry, probably summoned in a hurry to a party meeting, so hurried that he didn’t have time to talk to the ‘Reflector’ reporter who asked for his opinion on this issue that you’ve just seen and which is happening within the scope of his responsibilities’. This was frequently said on air. Well, when a company manager or a deputy minister heard about or got news on the phone that ‘Reflector’ had arrived on the premises or that someone from ‘Reflector’ had called to say that they would come in tomorrow or the day after to shoot, you can’t imagine the commotion that would create!”

     

    July 1971, with the announcement of the infamous “Theses” by Nicolae Ceaușescu himself, under the official name “Proposed measures for the improvement of political-ideological activity, of the Marxist–Leninist education of Party members, of all working people,” meant a U-turn from the regime’s previous openness. It was a return to the harshness of the Stalinist years, a great surprise for the Western countries that had appreciated the Romanian leader’s position up to then.

     

    That return also impacted the “Reflector”, which gradually lost its incisiveness and appeal.

     

    Ion Bucheru: “The July Theses sprang from Ceaușescu’s mind, head and pen following a scandal caused by the television. After 1968, Ceaușescu had reached the peak of his popularity, of domestic and international prestige. It was a time when Romania was viewed internationally as some kind of miracle in this corner of Europe. It was a time when foreign heads of state opened their doors, gates, even the most conservative ones, even those who had previously rejected any thought of ​​welcoming Ceauşescu or conferring him the honours worthy of head of state. It was a time when if you said you were a Romanian journalist abroad, and I experienced this firsthand and I can say this with full knowledge of the facts, you were received not with sympathy but with a kind of brotherhood. We would go abroad without equipment, without money, without logistical means, because we were poor, poorly equipped and really underpaid. But there was such a wave of sympathy around us that we were given so much of what we didn’t have and they had in abundance.”

     

    Eventually shut down in the mid-1980s, when the entire television broadcast had been cut to two hours a day, ‘Reflector’ was re-established after 1989. But in the new era of freedom, it never reached the same level of popularity. (AMP)

  • The Romanian Revolution Narrated to Young People

    The Romanian Revolution Narrated to Young People

     

    December is the month when, since 1989, Romanians have commemorated the fall of the communist regime, a regime that had trampled their rights, freedoms and their very essence as human beings for almost half a century. They commemorate that December 1989 because the return to normality was achieved through bloodshed, as the communist regime exited history through violence, just as it had emerged.

     

    As time passes and emotions cool down, people become able to look at those events with a clearer eye, and the younger generations of Romanians look at December 1989 with the curiosity and the detachment of those who have not been directly affected by it.

     

    It is worrying that many young people today lack an accurate picture of the political regime that the young people of 1989 threw into the dustbin of history, and even worse, that they say they see no problem with living during those times. But the young people of 1989 try to shed light on the significance of what they did, for today’s generations to better understand what their grandparents and parents had gone through.

     

    The historian and writer Alina Pavelescu, a member of the generation that made the 1989 revolution, wrote a book on “The 1989 Revolution Narrated to Those Who Haven’t Lived It.” We asked her if there was a message that the 1989 generation managed to convey to the future generations:

     

    Alina Pavelescu: “Obviously, we should have done it, and we should have found the meaning of what happened to us in the last 35 years. But we haven’t managed to do it so far, and we can only hope that we will be wiser from now on. I could only offer my personal testimony, as a person for whom this topic is still emotionally loaded, even 35 years later. And it is precisely this emotional burden, which all of us who witnessed the 1989 Revolution directly still carry, this emotional burden is what prevents us from seeing things clearly. But, at least, we can tell our stories honestly, so that people younger than us understand how the 1989 Revolution changed their lives for the better, and so that they find meaning in it for us, if we cannot do it.”

     

    Alina Pavelescu felt that she had something to say to today’s and tomorrow’s generations about the year 1989. And she chose to do this in a book:

     

    Alina Pavelescu: “I set out first and foremost to stimulate critical thinking in young people. I realize that they are presented with different stories and different versions and that, probably, they are wondering where the truth is, among all these versions. And so, the first thing I did was to present to them all the theories and hypotheses that I identified in the revolution narratives, with their arguments for and against. But, I admit, in the epilogue of this book I could not help but tell them specifically that the Revolution of 1989 was, indeed, a revolution because it radically changed all of our lives. We owe the freedom of the last 35 years to this event, even if we did not really know what to do with this freedom and we have always had the feeling that someone stole it from under our noses. But even so, the fact that we have it, that we have not yet lost it, is something we owe to the Revolution of 1989 and to the people who sacrificed themselves then, those who sat down in front of the rifles in the street, those who died.”

     

    Combining the talent of a writer and the skills of a historian, Alina Pavelescu wrote about the year 1989, confronting conflicting views and blending professional requirements, personal memories and value judgments.

     

    Alina Pavelescu: “A historian should provide a coherent and true story, or at least as close to the truth as possible, as close as possible to the intersection of the truth of certain events. It is not for historians to give lectures, necessarily, or not necessarily lectures beyond the personal example that we all have the right to use. But I fear that in Eastern Europe and in Romania, where history is all too often the terrain of political struggles in which identities and the way we define our identities are constantly the subject of political competitions, historians will never truly manage to stay in their ivory tower. And so, if this is the context in which we live, I think the most honest thing for us is to acknowledge this context and try to do things as well as possible from our perspective and within this context. I do not think that we should close ourselves in the ivory tower, I do not think the ivory tower is a realistic option. At the same time, we should not let others transform our subject, namely history, into just a battlefield in which politicians fight.”

     

    No matter how much time passes and regardless of perceptions, the year 1989 will remain a year of grace. It is, like it or not, the boundary between what is detestable and what is good in this world. (AMP)

  • February 3, 2024

    February 3, 2024

    AGREEMENT The PM
    of Romania Marcel Ciolacu and the representatives of farmers and carriers
    Friday reached an agreement ending the recent protests. On Monday, the PM’s
    office will set up an inter-ministry committee tasked with identifying the best
    solutions for the protesters’ demands. Farmers and carriers in Romania
    protested for 3 weeks against high business costs, low prices for produce, the
    import of cheap foodstuffs from Ukraine and the constraints introduced by the
    EU as part of its climate change action.


    COMMEMORATION A
    ceremony commemorating the prominent politician Iuliu Maniu, a former prime
    minister of Romania and leader of the National Christian-Democratic Party, was
    held on Saturday at the Memorial for the victims of communism in Sighetu
    Marmaţiei (north-west). Maniu died on the night of February 4 1953, in the political
    prison in Sighet, where he was serving a life sentence for high treason
    pronounced by the communist regime. His name was cleared under a Supreme Court
    ruling in 1998, and a monument was erected in his honour in the Revolution
    Square in Bucharest.


    MOLDOVA Chişinău
    extended an entry ban against the leader of the Romanian nationalist party AUR,
    George Simion, by another 5 years. Under Moldova’s legislation, foreigners may
    be declared undesirables if they have or if there are strong reasons to believe
    they intend to conduct activities likely to endanger the country’s national
    security or public order. According to the R. of Moldova, the Romanian
    authorities have been notified in this respect, and George Simion challenged
    the decision in court. The AUR leader was expelled from Moldova in 2018, with
    an entry ban in place for a period of 5 years.


    MIDDLE EAST The
    US conducted scores of air raids against targets operated by Iran-controlled
    groups in Iraq and Syria. The Pentagon said the raids were a response to the recent
    drone attack by Iran-supported fighters, which killed 3 US troops at a military
    base in Jordan, the BBC reports. Taking part in Friday’s raids were B1
    long-range bombers, flying out of the US. Iran condemned the strikes, claiming
    they violated the sovereignty of Syria and Iraq, AFP reports. In Bagdad, a
    government spokesman announced the US strikes in western Iraq killed at least
    16 people, including civilians. Meanwhile, the US state secretary Antony
    Blinken will travel to Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Qatar, Israel and the West Bank
    between February 4-8, primarily to reach a deal securing the freeing of all the
    Israeli hostages kept in Gaza following the Hamas terror attack of October 7.


    TENNIS The
    Romanian player Marius Copil takes on Stefanos Tsitsipas, no. 10 in the world,
    in Athens today, in the first match between Romania and Greece in the playoffs
    for the Davis Cup World Group I. The second singles match will be pitting Nicholas
    David Ionel against Aristotelis Thanos. The doubles match and 2 other singles
    games are scheduled for Sunday. Romania and Greece played twice against each
    other in the Davis Cup before, with one win each. Previously in this year’s competition,
    in the first round of the World Group I, Romania lost to Taiwan and Greece was
    defeated by Slovakia. (AMP)

  • Ceausescu seen from up close

    Ceausescu seen from up close


    The
    openness, transparency and popularity of a dictator are some of the
    strongest signals a propaganda machine can transmit. But since in a
    dictatorship these signals must be interpreted as being the opposite,
    so in the communist regime Nicolae Ceaușescu’s figure was the
    opposite to
    that
    promoted by the propaganda. Not many Romanians can boast seeing him
    from up close and ever fewer of shaking his hand. Suspicious and
    increasingly paranoid, Ceaușescu would not let many people get too
    close to him.

    One
    of the few occasions when he would make an exception was when he
    travelled abroad and attended press conferences. Sorin Cunea worked
    for Radio Free Europe in the second half of the 1960s and is the
    Romanian journalist abroad who saw Ceaușescu from up close most
    often. Interviewed by Radio Romania’s Oral History Centre in 1998,
    he said he would find out about Ceaușescu’s foreign visits from
    the Romanian press. He witnessed a
    total of 12
    visits by the Romanian communist leader:

    We
    were at the Bayer company, because his wife, who was a chemist,
    wanted to
    or
    the German hosts had arranged for her to visit the consortium in
    Leverkusen. As Ceaușescu
    had
    official talks I didn’t have access to, Noel Bernard decided we
    should also go Leverkusen. After visiting a few departments, the
    group of officials entered a conference room and that’s where she
    was given explanations and answers to the questions she asked. I then
    saw,
    I think for the first time, Adrian Păunescu, who was part of the
    press delegation accompanying the two. Bernard and I were standing in
    the back and didn’t pay much attention to her questions. But I was
    watching how Păunescu was sitting opposite her at the table and
    noting
    down every word she said, conspicuously, so that everyone would
    see
    how interested he was in what she was saying.

    Ceaușescu had his people follow Sorin Cunea, just as he did most other journalists working for Radio Free Europe. He recalls being mistreated by the Romanian communist delegation in Ankara. When they let the media know they could enter the room that was going to host the cocktail party, I slung my recorder over my shoulder and headed for the door. Everyone else walked in, but I was stopped by an individual who addressed me in Romanian and his tone was typical of Securitate officers. He knew exactly who I was. Don’t put your recorder too close to the comrade. Keep a lower profile, can’t you see you’re bothering him? I didn’t answer back, so I just walked into the room. When it was Ceaușescu’s time to speak, I placed the microphone as close to him as possible, so I could get his discourse on tape and be able to broadcast parts of it later. I have to say that, as he talked, he would take small sips from a glass with a yellowish liquid, which I think was chamomile tea. Maybe he was allowed to do that, or maybe the doctors who accompanied him knew better. Sorin Cunea was also asked if he ever got to speak directly to Ceaușescu during press briefings. I addressed him a question once, in Bonn. I have to say I would always sit on the front rows at press briefings, because I really wanted my face to be in the news on the television. He answered my question
    though. And during a news conference in Vienna, I was also in the front row, very
    carefully observing the two. Whenever he was answering one journalist or
    another, while the answer was being translated, Ceausescu looked intently at
    his wife, Elena, for approval. And I saw her nodding most of the time, as if
    she wanted to say ‘yeah, you answered pretty well to that one’.


    Ceausescu’s capricious
    and aggressive personality however often made him to take it out on the
    others. Sorin Cunea recalls such an episode


    Sorin Cunea: Also
    in Bonn, while answering a question regarding the Conference for Security and
    Cooperation, the translator, who was a guy from Bucharest translated and
    completed the answer by specifically mentioning the ‘Conference for Cooperation
    and Security in Europe’. Ceausescu swiftly turned to the translator and
    retorted I didn’t say anything about Europe, you know. And the man had done nothing
    wrong but only mentioned the complete title of that international conference. Furthermore,
    Ceausescu was always carrying a comb with him, which it used to adjust his
    haircut right before joining a conference or public event. He was always very
    concerned about his physical appearance.


    Seen
    from up close, dictator Nicolae Ceausescu was nothing but a common,
    simple man very different from the image the Romanian Television was striving to promote. But somehow, history has succeeded in overemphasizing the image of this
    tiny, little man.

    (CM/VP/bill)

  • July 28, 2023

    July 28, 2023

    WEATHER The PM of Romania Marcel
    Ciolacu requested all the institutions in charge to centralise data on the damages
    caused by the extreme weather over the past few days in Romania. Measures will
    be taken subsequently to address the situation and to avoid similar occurrences
    in the future, a government spokesperson said. According to the General
    Inspectorate for Emergencies, over 50 localities in 19 counties and the capital
    city Bucharest have been affected this week by storms and heavy rainfalls.
    Several people died, and houses, buildings and vehicles have been damaged.


    CANCER The government endorsed a National Plan on
    Cancer Prevention and Treatment. The new programme facilitates quick access to
    prevention measures, diagnostic, treatment and palliative services. The
    healthcare minister, Alexandru Rafila, said investments would be made in the
    field of oncology, and all services for patients would be free of charge,
    including advanced radiation therapy. He added that the government would also
    develop an innovation fund, mainly benefiting cancer patients. The plan will be
    implemented in several stages over the next 5 years. Representatives of the
    Federation of Cancer Patients Associations however are unhappy with the absence
    of implementing rules for the plan, without which, they argue, it is impossible
    to know how long it would take from diagnosis to the start of the actual
    treatment.


    DISSIDENT The High Court of Cassation and Justice in
    Bucharest Thursday upheld a ruling clearing two former Communist political
    police officers, Marin Pîrvulescu and Vasile Hodiş, of the charges related to
    the torturing of dissident Gheorghe Ursu.
    They were originally tried for crimes against humanity. The construction
    engineer, poet and writerGheorghe Ursu was investigated by the Securitate in the ’80s,
    after he sent letters to Radio Free Europe and kept a diary of the horrors
    of the communist regime. He was arrested in September 1985 and died 2 months
    later, after being beaten while in detention. After
    Thursday’s ruling of the supreme court, the justice minister Alina Gorghiu said she would have liked not to see
    any form of repression and torture validated. The Group for Social
    Dialogue, a political and social NGO, says the supreme court’s decision to
    acquit the torturers of the dissident Gheorghe Ursu is the most radical form of
    rehabilitation of communist totalitarianism. Prosecutors are looking into
    exceptional methods to challenge the ruling.


    GREECE The Romanian foreign ministry warns the Romanian
    nationals who are in Greece or intend to travel there that the local
    authorities said the risks of wild fires remains high today in several parts of
    that country. The situation is particularly serious in Rhodes, where 92
    Romanian fire fighters are also deployed. In order to better respond to this
    phenomenon, the European Commission announced plans to create its own firefighting
    fleet, and procure an additional 12 aircraft to this end, deployed around the
    Mediterranean, where most wildfires are reported.


    SECURITY
    The US Senate Thursday night endorsed the National Defence Authorisation Act
    (NDAA), which included a bill on Black Sea security. With this decision, the US Senate confirms the
    status of the Black Sea as a region of critical geo-strategic importance and
    paves the way for enhanced US engagement in the region. The US Senate’s
    decision also confirms the county’s strong support for a comprehensive US
    presence in the Black Sea region, jointly with its allies and partners, in
    strategic areas such as security and defence, economy, energy and democratic resilience, the
    Romanian Ambassador to Washington Andrei Muraru
    said. The bill endorsed by the Senate is to be reconciled in September with the
    version of the NDAA already approved by the House of Representatives. A bill
    similar to the
    Black Sea Security Act is also pending in the House, with good chances to be
    included in the reconciliation procedure and in the final text of the NDAA sent
    to president Joe Biden.


    FOOTBALL Three
    Romanian teams played last night in the Europa Conference League qualifiers. Sepsi OSK Sfântu Gheorghe won, 2-0
    away from home, the match against the Bulgarian side CSKA Sofia. Romanian
    champions Farul Constanța also won their home match against FC Urartu, 3-2, while former champions CFR Cluj drew
    at home against the Turkish side Adana Demirspor,
    1-1. The return leg is scheduled for August 3. (AMP)

  • Automobiles in Communist Romania

    Automobiles in Communist Romania

    Automobiles have become so common
    today that it is almost impossible to imagine a world without them. Like any
    other invention in its early days, the automobile was present only in the lives
    of the affluent. However, in time, its rising popularity made it affordable to
    other people and thus it stopped being a symbol of belonging in a certain
    social category. Between 1945 and 1989, the automobile’s evolution in Romania saw
    some stages beginning with the restrictive one, when it was exclusively used by
    the state and the communist leadership, to a period when it was desired by the
    commoners as well. It went through a period of democratization as Serban
    Cornaciu, vice-chair of Retromobil Club Romania said. This period was kicked
    off by a low number of people, the ones who could afford it at that time.




    Serban Cornaciu: We cannot
    speak about this period of democratization, without speaking about car imports
    from the West. Those people were privileged because they had the courage to apply
    for buying such a luxurious product and they had well-paid jobs, being doctors,
    lawyers, artists. Most of them were interested in buying a Fiat 850 or a
    Renault 16 as Romania hadn’t started its car production yet. There were also very
    expensive models like Fiat 1800 and many of the applicants were being visited
    by officers of the former political police, the Securitate, because the state
    had a tight control on people’s incomes at that time and only a few could afford
    a car in the 1960s.




    Romania’s economy just like the others in Central and
    Eastern Europe was slowly recovering after the war and the process was also hindered
    by its being reorganized after the centralized soviet model. Furthermore,
    Romania wasn’t allowed to benefit from the Marshall plan and its economic
    recovery was dragging on. It was only in the late 60s, that two plants were
    built in Pitesti, southern Romania for the production of two models, Renault 8
    and 12, under the name of Dacia 1100 and Dacia 1300. At that time the then
    communist authorities wanted to give an impetus to the car market by producing
    local brands and importing some models from the other communist countries. Here
    is Serban Cornaciu at the microphone again






    Serban
    Cornaciu: At that time, you could
    subscribe to a waitlist for buying a car, apply for a loan and eventually you
    got it. In 1974, three versions of Dacia 1300, not very different from one
    another, became available. The cars used to come in a wide range of vivid
    colours until 1984 when a new model, Dacia 1310, had rolled off the assembly
    line. Cars from the communist bloc were also available on the market but
    imports from the West ceased shortly after the local production had begun. No
    Western brands were imported since 1971-72. One could only apply for a Lada
    1200, a Moskvich or a Trabant, produced in East Germany. Delivery periods for
    Trabant were shorter, though after 1988, applicants could wait even up to three
    years to get one.




    However, the systemic crisis that started to affect
    the communist regime in late 1970s, inevitably affected Romania’s car industry.
    Here is Serban Cornaciu again.




    Șerban
    Cornaciu: The models produced by
    Dacia Pitesti in the 1980s were changed and imports became increasingly
    difficult. Wait lists could no longer be made at the local dealers and people’s
    options started being trimmed in 1982-83. The plant in Pitesti started having
    delivery issues on the domestic market, because exports had become a priority.
    One can wait up to five years for a car and there were no colour options. They started
    using two-three colours back then. One year they were all painted in blue,
    another year green or white and so on. Vivid colours were no longer available.




    Restrictions for the drivers came one after the other
    and in 1978, Romania’s communist dictator Nicolae Ceausescu issued orders that
    dignitaries and institutions use only Romanian cars. The crisis deepened in
    mid-1980s, with fuel shortages, driving restrictions at night and on Sundays.
    We’ve asked Serban Cornaciu about the used cars market in communist Romania.

    Serban Cornaciu: Cars were being sold by their owners; there was supply, there was
    demand and a second-hand market flourished back in the 80s. However, prices
    remained high in spite of the driving restrictions imposed by the communist
    authorities. Things went on like this, someone would buy a car but at the first
    snowfall authorities would issue a temporary driving restriction and the new
    owner had nothing to do but wait until the restrictions were lifted. Only
    communist leaders were allowed to travel in cars with yellow plates as well as members
    of the diplomatic corps or foreign residents in Romania whose number plates
    began with 12 B. For instance, famous Romanian director Sergiu Nicolaescu, who
    was shooting a lot of films back in the day, had to use this special type of
    plate in order to avoid being pulled over by the then road police which was known
    in Romania as ‘militia’.




    The real democratization of the automobile in Romania
    came only after 1989 and the change in the political regimes also brought
    changes to the relationship between cars and their owners.




    (bill)

  • Opposing Ceaușescu: Alexandru Bârlădeanu

    Opposing Ceaușescu: Alexandru Bârlădeanu

    During his 25 years in power in Romania, between 1965 and 1989, Nicolae Ceaușescu exercised a brutal, fickle and intolerant management style. In the economic field, his thinking was a disaster, as proven by the living standards of Romanians in the 1980s, in particular. Unfortunately, not many had the courage to stand up to him, and those who did were either removed, or had to step down.

    Born in 1911 in the south of the Republic of Moldova, then a part of Tsarist Russia, Bârlădeanu joined the communist party in 1943. Since 1944 he held senior positions in the party hierarchy. He was one of the aides of Romania’s Stalin, Gheorghiu Dej, he was a cabinet minister and held offices in the legislative assembly. After Dej died in 1965, he became a reformist and got in conflict with the new leader, Nicolae Ceaușescu. In the summer of 1989, he was one of the 6 authors of a letter asking Ceaușescu to initiate reforms. In 1990 he became a member of parliament, until 1992, and he passed away at 86, in 1997.

    In an interview to Radio Romania’s Oral History Centre in 1995, Bârlădeanu reminisced about his divergencies with Ceaușescu, which started as early as the 9th Communist Party Congress in 1965, when Ceaușescu was elected party president. They disagreed with respect to the investments/consumption ratio.

    Alexandru Bârlădeanu: There was this dispute with Ceauşescu concerning the break-down of national revenues for consumption and accumulation. I discussed that in my speech, I said that increasing the investment quota means sacrificing living standards, and that reducing investments means delaying development. I also said, and we disagreed in this respect too, that this ratio depended on a leader’s political art or sense of politics. He insisted that this was a matter of science. It was not a matter of science; it was a matter of politics.

    Over the years, the gap between them grew deeper. Another bone of contention came up in 1966, when abortion was banned in Romania.

    Alexandru Bârlădeanu: Along the way, we had several misunderstandings or opposing views in relation to some concrete issues. One of them was the issue of abortions. Just in the summer when he was elected, he convened a meeting of the Executive Committee while I was on holiday at the seaside. I went from Costinesti to that meeting, and he unexpectedly tabled the issue of abortions. I stood up against it. I said that the problem had not been studied, that we had to analyze it and not make an immediate decision. My stand was also backed by Maurer who said that, indeed, we had to study the matter. But Ceausescu had a nervous outburst. He said, Comrade Bârlădeanu, with this proposal, seeks to support prostitution in Romania.

    Another reason for disagreement was related to the size of the courtyards of the peasant households. Then followed the moment when Bârlădeanu decided to retire invoking an illness.

    Alexandru Bârlădeanu: He wanted to reduce those courtyards to 500 square meters. I do not remember the data, but there were always divergent views that deepened, at least on my part, a feeling of rejection of Ceausescu. Until one point when, in 1968, we argued on an issue and I said I could no longer accept it. By then, I had already attempted to leave a couple of times. As I had had a blood disease in the incipient phase, a professor in Paris, a famous hematologist who examined me, agreed to give me a certificate saying that if I was not released from work, if I continued to do that work, there would be 7 out of 10 possibilities that I could die. And I presented him with that certificate. Said Alexandru Barladeanu.

    Therefore, Bârlădeanu’s self-marginalization occurred in 1968, because that continuous conflict could not bring anything good.

    Alexandru Bârlădeanu: I was leading the Science Council, and, in that position, I also had disagreements with him. At one point, I presented him with a paper on how I saw the reorganization of the Council and the field of science. I waited a few days before he gave me an answer. And I asked him if he had read my material. His response was eloquent: Are you teaching me what science is? That’s what he understood from my material, that I was teaching him what science was, when I had actually proposed several measures! In 1968 I decided to part with the policy he was promoting. It was clear to me that, on the economic line, it would lead to disaster. In fact, I had told others about it as well, I didn’t hide.

    Ceaușescu’s victory against his opponents meant a regime of extreme austerity for Romania. Which ended in 1989, alongside the other regimes in Central and Eastern Europe. (AMP, LS)

  • Mugur Călinescu

    Mugur Călinescu

    Mugur Călinescu’s name will forever remain in
    the history of heroism as a man’s struggle with a cruel, much stronger enemy
    but which did not frighten him. He is not only a Romanian hero, but also a
    universal example for all the people who fight for the right cause of freedom
    and dignity. Eventually, MugurCălinescu paid with his life for the
    courage to think and act for justice and truth.




    Mugur Călinescu was born on May 28, 1965 in
    Botoșani, northeastern Romania. In 1981, at 16 years old, when he was an 11th grader
    at the August Treboniu Laurian high school in his hometown, he
    decided that his existence and that of those around him, in a country ruled by
    a vicious communist regime, could not go on like that. So he decided to
    protest. Călinescu’s moving story was told publicly in the early 1990s, in the
    early years of freedom regained in December 1989, by the journalist, writer and
    historian Constantin Iftime. Here he is at the microphone with details:




    Constantin Iftime: He was a high school junior, going to Laurian
    high school, but previously he had studied at Eminescu high school. He took the
    math and physics exam, he was in a good class. His parents were separated, his
    father was wealthy, he worked in a clothing manufacturing factory, he was the
    chief tailor who made the patterns. He had a lot of money, he was a top tailor.
    He bought his boy a Japanese radio recorder with which he tuned in to radio
    Free Europe, and his mother did not know anything about that. He
    was a clever boy, he listened to music, he read books, he had a curious nature.




    On the night of September 12, 1981, Mugur left
    the house determined to voice his discontent. He walked towards a metal fence
    surrounding a building yard and wrote a slogan calling on people to oppose the
    increasingly harsh living conditions. Today we find it unbelievable that
    writing words on a wall is seen as an act of great courage. But it was an act
    of courage during communism, when most people were terrorized and preferred to
    keep silent. Constantin Iftime is back at the microphone with more:




    Constantin Iftime: You may wonder where he got the idea from? It
    was his own idea. He had some chalk at home, the type of chalk used by
    foresters, which did not come off easily. And he started writing slogans, he
    wrote the first slogans on some metal boards surrounding building yards. These
    slogans referred to the people’s precarious material situation. His mother was
    a saleswoman at the central store and had a small salary. It seems that there
    was a lot of talk about money in his family. His mother was constantly under
    pressure, they had cut about 30% of her salary, it was the period when the
    authorities started cutting people’s salaries.




    Another 31 nights followed, in which
    Mugur Călinescu continued to write his discontent on the walls of the town’s
    buildings. One of them was the headquarters of the county branch of the Romanian
    Communist Party. He wrote on walls, on billboards, on road kerbs. The local branch
    of the Securitate, the communist political police, went on maximum alert. Messages
    would keep appearing, in places where the members of the political repression
    structures least expected them, and they would be promptly erased. Where they
    couldn’t be removed, the place would be painted over.




    All the informants in all the
    factories in the town were mobilised. In their desperate effort to capture the
    author, the Securitate checked the records of all the apartment buildings, and
    all the letters people would send to the party. More than 47,000 handwriting
    samples were analysed, with the experts claiming that the author was a scholar or
    a misfit. Night patrols and watches were organised. Until finally, on the night
    of 18th October 1981, a patrol noticed a young man with a piece of
    chalk in his hand, writing something on a wall. Constantin Iftime told us what
    happened next.




    Constantin Iftime: He had no
    reaction. He was arrested, and he admitted to everything from the very
    beginning. His mother knew nothing about him, she panicked and started calling
    everywhere. She was only announced about the arrest the next day. He spent that
    night being interrogated. He was taken straight to the Securitate offices,
    because they were interested in who was behind this. They didn’t beat him up,
    ironically it was his own father who threatened him, not the Securitate. The ones
    who interrogated him were people who knew what was going on among students, and
    they wanted to make him talk without resorting to violence. But they did put a
    blinding light in his face and the Securitate guy was sitting behind that light.
    Those hours spent with a light in his face must have made him hot, he already
    had a fever, he had early-stage leukaemia. I think it was a period of hormonal imbalance
    caused by severe stress. But my opinion is that he was killed by the
    Securitate. He was a sensitive person, thrown into this extremely vicious
    circle. He was a hardworking boy, a nice teenager, but everyone treated him
    like an object.




    His teachers reprimanded him, his father
    attacked him for jeopardising his career, his mother suffered a trauma. Abandoned
    by his family, isolated from his friends and colleagues, marginalised together
    with his mother, Mugur Călinescu died of leukaemia on 14th February 1985,
    at the age of 19.




    He was awarded the title of fighter
    against the totalitarian regime, post-mortem. A theatre play and a film, both
    titled Uppercase Print, as well as a novel, are now keeping his memory alive. (tr. L. Simion, A.M. Popescu)

  • Mugur Călinescu

    Mugur Călinescu

    Mugur Călinescu’s name will forever remain in
    the history of heroism as a man’s struggle with a cruel, much stronger enemy
    but which did not frighten him. He is not only a Romanian hero, but also a
    universal example for all the people who fight for the right cause of freedom
    and dignity. Eventually, MugurCălinescu paid with his life for the
    courage to think and act for justice and truth.




    Mugur Călinescu was born on May 28, 1965 in
    Botoșani, northeastern Romania. In 1981, at 16 years old, when he was an 11th grader
    at the August Treboniu Laurian high school in his hometown, he
    decided that his existence and that of those around him, in a country ruled by
    a vicious communist regime, could not go on like that. So he decided to
    protest. Călinescu’s moving story was told publicly in the early 1990s, in the
    early years of freedom regained in December 1989, by the journalist, writer and
    historian Constantin Iftime. Here he is at the microphone with details:




    Constantin Iftime: He was a high school junior, going to Laurian
    high school, but previously he had studied at Eminescu high school. He took the
    math and physics exam, he was in a good class. His parents were separated, his
    father was wealthy, he worked in a clothing manufacturing factory, he was the
    chief tailor who made the patterns. He had a lot of money, he was a top tailor.
    He bought his boy a Japanese radio recorder with which he tuned in to radio
    Free Europe, and his mother did not know anything about that. He
    was a clever boy, he listened to music, he read books, he had a curious nature.




    On the night of September 12, 1981, Mugur left
    the house determined to voice his discontent. He walked towards a metal fence
    surrounding a building yard and wrote a slogan calling on people to oppose the
    increasingly harsh living conditions. Today we find it unbelievable that
    writing words on a wall is seen as an act of great courage. But it was an act
    of courage during communism, when most people were terrorized and preferred to
    keep silent. Constantin Iftime is back at the microphone with more:




    Constantin Iftime: You may wonder where he got the idea from? It
    was his own idea. He had some chalk at home, the type of chalk used by
    foresters, which did not come off easily. And he started writing slogans, he
    wrote the first slogans on some metal boards surrounding building yards. These
    slogans referred to the people’s precarious material situation. His mother was
    a saleswoman at the central store and had a small salary. It seems that there
    was a lot of talk about money in his family. His mother was constantly under
    pressure, they had cut about 30% of her salary, it was the period when the
    authorities started cutting people’s salaries.




    Another 31 nights followed, in which
    Mugur Călinescu continued to write his discontent on the walls of the town’s
    buildings. One of them was the headquarters of the county branch of the Romanian
    Communist Party. He wrote on walls, on billboards, on road kerbs. The local branch
    of the Securitate, the communist political police, went on maximum alert. Messages
    would keep appearing, in places where the members of the political repression
    structures least expected them, and they would be promptly erased. Where they
    couldn’t be removed, the place would be painted over.




    All the informants in all the
    factories in the town were mobilised. In their desperate effort to capture the
    author, the Securitate checked the records of all the apartment buildings, and
    all the letters people would send to the party. More than 47,000 handwriting
    samples were analysed, with the experts claiming that the author was a scholar or
    a misfit. Night patrols and watches were organised. Until finally, on the night
    of 18th October 1981, a patrol noticed a young man with a piece of
    chalk in his hand, writing something on a wall. Constantin Iftime told us what
    happened next.




    Constantin Iftime: He had no
    reaction. He was arrested, and he admitted to everything from the very
    beginning. His mother knew nothing about him, she panicked and started calling
    everywhere. She was only announced about the arrest the next day. He spent that
    night being interrogated. He was taken straight to the Securitate offices,
    because they were interested in who was behind this. They didn’t beat him up,
    ironically it was his own father who threatened him, not the Securitate. The ones
    who interrogated him were people who knew what was going on among students, and
    they wanted to make him talk without resorting to violence. But they did put a
    blinding light in his face and the Securitate guy was sitting behind that light.
    Those hours spent with a light in his face must have made him hot, he already
    had a fever, he had early-stage leukaemia. I think it was a period of hormonal imbalance
    caused by severe stress. But my opinion is that he was killed by the
    Securitate. He was a sensitive person, thrown into this extremely vicious
    circle. He was a hardworking boy, a nice teenager, but everyone treated him
    like an object.




    His teachers reprimanded him, his father
    attacked him for jeopardising his career, his mother suffered a trauma. Abandoned
    by his family, isolated from his friends and colleagues, marginalised together
    with his mother, Mugur Călinescu died of leukaemia on 14th February 1985,
    at the age of 19.




    He was awarded the title of fighter
    against the totalitarian regime, post-mortem. A theatre play and a film, both
    titled Uppercase Print, as well as a novel, are now keeping his memory alive. (tr. L. Simion, A.M. Popescu)

  • June 18, 2021 UPDATE

    June 18, 2021 UPDATE

    COVID-19 On Friday 70 new cases of coronavirus infection were reported in Romania, out of over 32,000 tests performed. Also, 6 deaths were reported. The number of patients in intensive care has dropped below 200. The head of the vaccination campaign in Romania, Valeriu Gheorghita, has announced that vaccination coverage at national level stands at 25% of the eligible population. 29,000 doses of vaccine have been administered in the past 24 hours, accounting for less than one-third of the number reported during peak vaccination periods. Since the start of the national vaccine roll-out, on December 27, more than 4.6 million people have been immunised in Romania, of whom 4.3 million with both doses. According to a survey by the Research Institute for Quality of Life, even if most Romanians are aware of the threat posed by the coronavirus, some 2 million are against vaccination, and 800,000 say the pandemic is not real.



    PROTEST Romanian freight carriers Friday deliberately hampered traffic on the main roads in the country. The protest came after the Transport Ministry announced that it will change the way the road fee, known as the vignette, is going to be calculated from now on, namely per kilometer and depending on pollution standards, rather than on duration, as it is now. Transport companies are also unhappy with the inspections conducted by the tax authorities, which plan to levy taxes on drivers daily allowances when traveling abroad.



    COMMEMORATION On Friday, for the first time, Romania commemorated the Day of Communist Regime Deportation Victims. Deportation under the Romanian communist regime was inspired by the Soviet gulag model. Such actions started in 1944, and targeted ethnic Germans accused of collaboration with the Nazi authorities. That was followed by the relocation of the families of land owners, factories or other commercial enterprises. The peasants who opposed collectivisation were also deported. The most tragic episode in this respect took place on June 18, 1951, when about 44,000 people on a 25 km strip on the border with Yugoslavia were deported to Bărăgan (south), in one of the most secret, quick and repressive actions ever organised by the communist authorities. After 1955, former political detainees released from prisons were sent to various localities, most of them in the Bărăgan villages already built as a result of the 1951 deportation. In 1967, the deportation of Romanian citizens was declared illegal even by the communist authorities.



    DEFICIT The European Council Friday adopted the recommendation under the excessive deficit procedure for Romania. The recommendation establishes that Romania should put an end to the excessive deficit situation by 2024 at the latest. The procedure was launched in April 2020, after Romania exceeded the 3% budget deficit ceiling in 2019. The Council said that an extension to the current deadline for Romania to correct its public deficit would be important in order not to compromise the economic recovery after the COVID-19 pandemic. The recommendation also says that, in order to meet the new deadline, Romania would need to achieve a general government deficit target of 8.0% of GDP in 2021, 6.2% of GDP in 2022, 4.4% of GDP in 2023, and 2.9% of GDP in 2024, which is in line with the Romanian governments objectives.



    UN The UN General Assembly Friday appointed the Portuguese António Guterres to a second 5-year term as secretary general. Guterres, 72, had been endorsed on June 8 by the UN Security Council, the most difficult stage of the selection of a new secretary general, in that it requires the consensus of the worlds major powers. The former Portuguese Socialist PM had no challengers and will begin his second term on January 1, 2022. Prior to this position with the UN, Antonio Guterres served as UN High Commissioner for Refugees for a 10-year period.



    TENNIS Horia Tecău (Romania) / Kevin Krawietz (Germany) qualified into the doubles final of the tennis tournament in Halle (Germany), ATP 500, after defeating the Belgians Sander Gille / Joran Vliegen, 7-6, 7-5. Tecău and Krawietz are playing their 3rd final this season, after having lost the ones in Rotterdam and Barcelona. (tr. A.M. Popescu)

  • Repatriation of Queen Mother Helen

    Repatriation of Queen Mother Helen

    “The Queen of the four exiles, as Queen Mother Helen has been dubbed, will be brought back to Romania, the adoptive home country that she will never again leave. The Queens remains were disinterred in Switzerland and brought to be reburied in the royal burial site in Curtea de Arges, southern Romania, alongside her son, King Michael I, and the other members of the Royal Family—Carol I, Ferdinand I and Carol II, and queens Elizabeth, Marie and Anne.



    Helens first exile began in 1910, when the entire Greek Royal family, including Princess Helen, born on May 3, 1896, was forced to leave Greece following a coup against her grandfather, King George I. Seven years later, in 1917, Helens family was once again forced into exile.



    In 1921 she married Crown Prince Carol II of Romania and gave birth to her only son, Michael, but 7 years later she divorced Carol following an infidelity scandal. Helen was sent into her 3rd exile by her former husband, King Carol II, so in late 1931 she moved to Germany and then to Italy, where she lived until 1940.



    In January 1948, Queen Mother Helen left Romania for good, together with her son, King Michael I, who had been deposed by the new communist power in Bucharest. Helen spent the last part of her life in Italy and Switzerland, close to her sons family. She passed away on November 28, 1982, and was buried in Bois-de-Vaux cemetery in Lausanne.



    The troubled history of the Greek and Romanian royal houses turned Helens life into a tragic destiny. However, those who knew her say the Queen Mother was a prototype of integrity, dignity, honour and wisdom. She was also a fascinating, discreet and elegant woman, with a refined sense of humour. It was her who taught King Michael and his daughters to have faith, to love their family and to have compassion for those in need.



    In the 1940s, Queen Mother Helen saved many from the Nazi persecution. This is why in 1993 Israel gave her the title of Righteous among the Nations, in recognition for her efforts to prevent the extermination of Romanian Jews. Queen Mother Helen equally opposed the abuses of the Soviet occupation in Romania, and struggled, together with King Michael I, to make Romania a part of the free world again. Unfortunately, she had to witness the Soviets increasingly tight grip on the country.



    It is only now, 30 years after the fall of the communist regime, that Helen returns to her adoptive country.


    (translated by: Ana-Maria Popescu)

  • December 20, 2018

    December 20, 2018

    PARLIAMENT The Parliament of Romania is today debating and voting on the second no-confidence motion against the Government formed by the Social Democratic Party and the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats, and headed by Viorica Dăncila. According to the Opposition, the current Cabinet is a threat to Romanias national interests, to its economic and political stability. The authors of the motion criticise the laws on the judiciary and claim the Prime Minister failed to comply with the governing programme undertaken at the start of her term. In reply, the PM claimed that the alternative the Opposition offers to citizens is to suspend income increases and even to slash salaries and pensions. Viorica Dancila also defended the justice laws, emphasising that they were endorsed by Parliament, rather than by an emergency decree as it was the case with the Ciolos Cabinet. Initiated by the National Liberal Party, the Save Romania Union, the Peoples Movement Party and unaffiliated MPs, the document was signed by 163 MPs, but needs 233 votes in order to pass. Yesterday the Democratic Union of Ethnic Hungarians in Romania announced that its MPs would attend the meeting, but would abstain from voting.



    STOCK EXCHANGE The Association of Capital Market Professionals says the prospective endorsement of a recent government decree on fiscal and budgetary measures is the most brutal and irrational attack against the Romanian capital market since its re-establishment in 1995. The Bucharest Stock Exchange opened on a slight increase today, but plunged back down, after experiencing its worst day so far on Wednesday. Substantial losses were reported by banks and energy and utilities companies, after on Tuesday the Finance Minister Eugen Teodorovici announced that by the end of the year a government decree would be passed introducing certain fiscal and budgetary measures. These include a so-called “tax on greed charged on banking revenues, and a package concerning energy companies, such as a 3% of turnover contribution, a cap on natural gas prices and electricity price control. The business community in Romania warned against the negative effects of the new taxes announced by the Government for 2019. President Klaus Iohannis urged the Cabinet to reconsider the decree, to negotiate it with employers and trade unions and to endorse a more sustainable version after thorough analysis and review.



    EU The President of Romania, Klaus Iohannis, receives in Bucharest on Friday the Chancellor of Austria Sebastian Kurz, whose country currently holds the rotating presidency of the EU Council. Romania will symbolically take over the presidency of the EU Council, which it will hold as of January 1. The 2 officials will discuss the priorities on the European agenda, such as the future of the Union, the EU budget after 2020, Brexit, and the elections for the European Parliament. On Wednesday in a meeting with the EU ambassadors to Bucharest, President Klaus Iohannis said Romanias goal during its presidency of the EU Council is to begin as soon as possible the negotiations on the future relations between the Union and Britain, if the withdrawal agreement is ratified by London and approved by the European Parliament. Iohannis also said that Romania supports a stronger European Union, which is closer to its citizens and able to guarantee their security and prosperity. He also emphasised the importance of the informal meeting of European leaders in Sibiu on May 9, 2019, when the EU strategic agenda for 2019-2024 will be discussed.



    JUDICIARY Romanias supreme court suspended the serving of prison sentences received by several high-level officials under corruption charges. Among them are the former chief of the anti-terrorism and anti-mafia directorate Alina Bica, who requested asylum in Costa Rica, the former head of the tax authority, Serban Pop, and former Social Democratic ministers and MPs Dan Şova and Constantin Niţă. They have been released, until final rulings are passed on their appeals. The argument put forth for the suspension of their sentences was that the membership of the 5-judge panels passing the rulings had not been correct. The supreme court held drawing of lots sessions for the 5-judge panels 3 times this year, when the Law on the organisation of courts was modified, further to a Constitutional Court decision, at the request of the Government and following an objection by the Social Democratic Party president Liviu Dragnea, who is tried for corruption at the Bucharest Court of Appeals.



    COMMEMORATION Sirens sounded for 3 minutes in Timisoara today, in memory of the day of December 20, 1989, when Timisoara was proclaimed the first city free from communism in Romania. The largest plants went on strike back then, and workers gathered in the city centre, alongside tens of thousands of other locals. The Army withdrew from streets, the protesters who had been arrested were released, and the peoples demands were read out from the famous Opera House balcony. Also on December 20, the first revolutionary committee, called The Romanian Democratic Front, was set up. Members of the families of the Timisoara victims are traveling to Bucharest today to commemorate one of the most important events in modern Romanian history. They will arrive at the place where the bodies of 44 Timisoara heroes, shot dead on December 17, were cremated. The uprising that started in Timisoara spread on December 21 to Bucharest and other Romanian cities. Over 1,000 people died and some 3,000 others were wounded in the shootings in Romania, the only Eastern Bloc country where the communist regime was toppled violently and where the communist leaders were executed.



    FOOTBALL Romanias national football team will end the year on the 24th position in the ranking that FIFA made public on Thursday. Romania started the year on the 40th place. This years 24th place is the best ranking Romanias football team has held since 2016. The teams future opponents in the EURO 2020 qualifiers are Spain, in 9th place, Sweden – 14, Norway – 46, Faeroe – 98, and Malta – 182.



    (translated by: Ana-Maria Popescu)

  • Romanian writer Augustin Buzura and the communist censorship

    Romanian writer Augustin Buzura and the communist censorship

    Censorship was extremely vigilant in Romania during the communist regime, just like in any other totalitarian regime. The communist censorship mainly targeted intellectual works, and many writers came under fire, having no choice but to alter their own texts, or give up publishing their books altogether. Augustin Buzura was one of the writers who stood up to the communist censorship and whose works were banned by the communist regime.



    Born on September 22nd 1938, Augustin Buzura died on July 10, 2017. Buzura studied medicine and when he was very young he actually considered becoming a psychiatrist. However, during his student years Buzura was a columnist for prominent cultural magazines and went on to make a final decision for writing literature, since pursuing both careers would have been too demanding. In a 2008 interview to Radio Romanias Culture Channel, Augustin Buzura recalled the time of his debut as a prose writer. Here is the late Augustin Buzuras voice, stored in Radio Romanias Archives.



    Augustin Buzura: “My debut volume was brought out when I was a 3rd year student. I had written a couple of prose works. I used to work at night, when reading rooms in our campus were less crowded. It was during the night that I managed to write the volume of short stories entitled “The Cape of good hope, which people really liked. Part of the short stories included in that volume had been published in Tribuna magazine, but some of the others were published in other cultural magazines as well. As for the volume, it was included in the Luceafarul collection of the State Publishers for Literature and Arts. So this was my literature debut, a little jammed by medicine, so to say.



    Augustin Buzuras editorial debut with his short stories volume “Cape of good hope took place in 1963. A few years later, the communist regime became somewhat more relaxed and slightly more liberal, ideology-wise, so at that time literature was no longer constrained by the ideology of socialist realism, and writers were able to express themselves more freely. However, the relaxation period was short-lived. In 1971 Nicolae Ceausescu launched the so-called “mini-cultural revolution designed after a Maoist model. Here is prose writer Augustin Buzura once again, with details on that.



    Augustin Buzura: “Censorship had not been as bad as it became after the cultural revolution of the early 1970s. There had been certain rules you were not supposed to break, but I wasnt keen on doing that, at that time: you were not supposed to write “German, but only “East-German or “West-German, names of factories or products were not supposed to be stated, well, everything that was part of that basic secrecy area. But otherwise, you could write just about anything that was not a direct attack against the regime. You could describe it, instead, which to me seemed more harmful than an attack. I opted for describing it and writing about man in general, against the backdrop of a brutal history. I wrote the novel “The Absentees, I wrote it rather easily and, to my astonishment, with the advent of the mini-cultural revolution I was suddenly banned. Then, by some weird kind of logic, the novel was banned once again in 1988, although not a single copy of it could be found in bookshops and libraries.



    In spite of his renewed attempts, Augustin Buzura failed to find out the reason why his novel, “The Absentees, was banned. After a long time, he was given a vague explanation, according to which he had described the regime in gloomy colours. In spite of the ban, Augustin Buzura did not change his style at all, so his later novels shared the same fate: they had to go through the many filters of the communist censorship.



    Augustin Buzura: “It was of paramount importance to me to speak to a censor. Writing a book took less time than fighting to get it published. Ive known censors of all types… Some of them were quite erudite, they were not at all amateur. For instance, my most criticized book, ‘Egos, went from one censors office to another, until it reached the Securitate, where they asked me how I knew about political inmates wearing tin glasses, about torture methods or working conditions at the Canal. This was the general tone the conversation had, and you had to nerve yourself for it. Conversely, other books, such as ‘Shelters, wouldnt have made it to the market if it hadnt been for the censor. He understood the kind of book it was. You could sometimes negotiate with censors who were older.



    With the fall of communism in December 1989, Augustin Buzura continued to take an active stance in culture, edited specialized magazines, led the Romanian Cultural Foundation and helped turn it into the present-day Romanian Cultural Institute.


    (translated by: Eugen Nasta, Vlad Palcu)