Tag: Ottomans

  • Ottomans and Romanians

    Ottomans and Romanians

    One of the most important actors that influenced the history of Romanians in the extra-Carpathian space was the Ottoman Empire. It is considered one of the great empires in history and for more than half a millennium it dominated the world on three continents, Europe, Asia and Africa. Ottomans and Romanians met, clashed and coexisted closely from the second half of the 15th century to the last quarter of the 19th century. In their history in the proximity of the Ottoman world, the Romanian Principalities enjoyed autonomy compared to other Balkan states that were conquered and turned into pashaliks.

     

    The British historian Marc David Baer, ​​author of a bestseller on the history of the Ottoman Empire, noted that status: “The interesting thing about these three provinces of the Ottomans, Transylvania and Wallachia and Moldova, which today form Romania, is that they were conquered at different times, they were treated in different ways, and more importantly, they were treated very differently than other core provinces of the Ottoman Empire. So, if we compare what is today Romania with Greece, Bulgaria, Serbia, it’s very, very different because Romania, I don’t know, maybe the resistance was too strong, I don’t know. The Ottomans did not completely subject this region, what is today Romania, instead allowing it a great amount of autonomy, which is similar in some ways to the way the Ottomans treated Kurdistan in the southeast, allowing the Kurds a great measure of autonomy so long as they gave the right amount of troops and defended the empire against the external enemies.”

     

    Being a part of the Ottoman world, Romanians had both gains and losses, historian Marc David Baer believes: “What are the benefits of the Ottoman Empire? When Mehmet II conquered Wallachia in, I think, the 1460s, he connected this part of the world to world commerce, to a world flow of ideas, the Ottoman Empire would become one of the greatest, strongest, wealthiest empires in the world at the time, and being part of that gave a lot of benefits to the subjects. Now, of course, from the point of view of people in this region, there were a lot of negatives. For example, the Ottomans had a tax, a levy on boys, so one out of every 40 Christian boys in an Ottoman province or newly conquered territory would be brought back to the capital, would be circumcised, converted, and trained to be either in the leading military corps, the Janissaries, or become ministers of government.”

     

    The historians of the Ottoman Empire have often written about the tolerance the Ottomans had for the diversity they ruled on. Marc David Baer believes that these statements need to be explained: “We have to, first of all, define what we mean by tolerance and toleration. So, in European history, we talk about tolerance beginning at the… the end of the 30 years war in 1648. But if we think about tolerance just being something that’s brought to Europe by whoever rules it, then we can go back all the way to the eighth century and talk about the Arabs who entered Spain. And in Muslim Spain, you had religious tolerance. You had Christians, Jews, and Muslims living in Muslim kingdoms. The Ottomans introduced religious tolerance to Eastern Europe when they move into Europe in the 14th century. Now, tolerance is not the same as coexistence. It’s not the same as saying, your religion is equal to mine. We’re the same. Let’s respect each other. Tolerance in pre-modern times was about hierarchies. There was a group in the Ottoman case, Muslim and men, and also free people, had more rights than Christians, Jews, women, and slaves.”

     

    In the 19th century, the Balkan nations removed the Ottoman model, gained independence, and adopted the European model of modern state and society. Mark David Baer is back at the microphone: “The Ottoman Empire was this empire that lasted 600 years. And the Ottomans themselves were a new class made up of these converted Christian men and women. And they were the minority in their own empire, on purpose. And they created this Ottoman language which was only understandable for this Ottoman elite, not for everybody. The majority of Ottoman subjects for the first four centuries were Christian in the empire. But as we move into the 19th century, we have a different empire, we have a different world. When the Russians begin to defeat the Ottomans again and again, and when the Ottomans begin to lose territory from the 17th century through the 19th century, then intellectuals and statesmen and sultans begin to ask, how can we save the empire? What can we do? Now we’re being defeated militarily, what is it that we need to do? And what they don’t turn to is nationalism, which is the idea that this land is for one people only. But for the Ottomans, there wasn’t that aim until very, very late. The aim was always to save the empire, territorially, and to find a way, which ultimately failed, to gain the loyalty of all their subjects.”

     

    The Ottoman Empire formally disappeared in 1918, more than a century ago. Traces of what it meant remained mostly in written documents and less as defining features today. (LS)

  • The early days of Romanian national independence movement

    The early days of Romanian national independence movement

    A movement with predominantly political aims took
    shape in Wallachian principality’s western part, Oltenia, in January 1821. The
    head of the movement was Tudor Vladimirescu. He was a former military in the
    Russian army who had become a merchant. In his undertaking, Vladimirescu was
    influenced by the Enlightenment nationalist ideas of his time.


    Tudor Vladimirescu led a 5,000-strong group or armed
    men and reached Bucharest in March. There he tried to render the ideas of his
    time more coherent. For nearly two months running, Vladimirescu ruled
    Wallachia. However, in May 1821, he fled Wallachia, because of a prospective
    Turkish invasion. On May 21, 1821, Tudor Vladimirescu was assassinated by the
    Greek nationalists, who accused him of treason. That movement, which took shape
    200 ago, has for long been described as the beginning of the Romanian national
    emancipation process.


    However, the geo-political situation in the Balkans was
    a little bit more complicated. Greek nationalism, in hot pursuit for the
    independence of Greece, fuelled the revolutionary society Eteria (the
    Brotherhood). Russia offered a strong support to the Greek nationalism, which
    also enjoyed the support coming from the Romanian Principalitiesthrough their
    Phanariot ruling princes. We recall the Phanariotes were of Greek origin. They
    hailed from Constantinople’s FAnar district and had been appointed by the
    Ottoman Porte at the helm of Wallachia and Moldavia beginning 1716. Small
    wonder then that the 18th century in its entirety has been dubbed the Phanariote
    century. It was perceived in a negative way, by contemporaries as well as by
    posterity.


    The allegedly common Romanian-Greek project, in 1821
    would turn into two separate projects, the Greek project and the Romanian
    project. Each or of the two projects were to be carried through in different
    ways.


    Historian Alin Ciupala accompanied us in our bid to
    retrace the history of the movement headed by Tudor Vladimirescu 200 years ago.
    Our attempt was to view the events of the past in a contemporary perspective. Alin
    Ciupala was keen on emphasizing the essential contribution of the patriot
    boyars to the launching of the insurrection.


    Alin Ciupala:


    There is an element which was
    generally ignored and which was deliberately omitted by the communist regime,
    namely the role the national high-ranking class of boyars played in that. This
    class was under the influence of the Enlightenment ideas originating in the
    West and reaching the Balkans through the Greek culture. In effect, these ideas,
    which part of the Romanian high-ranking boyars embraced, caused the breakup we
    noticed especially in the second half of the 18th century’s later
    part. Actually, there is the breakup between the Greek national project and
    what was about to become the Romanian national project. In other words, the
    Greek nationalism which the Phanariot ruling princes and Greek boyars
    patronized in the Principalities went at loggerheads with the nationalism of a
    sizeable part of Romanian high-ranking class of boyars. Which prompted the
    Romanian class of boyars to find solutions to remove the Phanariotes from
    power.


    The Greeks stood to gain from this movement, the
    Romanians stood to gain from that as well, but in a different way. The Greeks
    were in control of the political, administrative and military means in
    Wallachia, while the Romanians were in control of the economic ones. According
    to Alin Ciupală, Tudor Vladimirescu was the solution found by the Romanian
    class of boyars, a solution that was not envisaged by them, notwithstanding.


    Alin Ciupala:

    It is against such a backdrop that Tudor
    Vladimirescu made his presence felt. He was a man of action, a man with a
    military experience, he fought in the Russian-Ottoman war of 1806-1812, he was
    even granted medals by the Russian military authorities. He was hired by the
    patriot boyars, he was called to Bucharest, he was entrusted with certain sums
    of money, and his mission was to go to Oltenia to organize, arm and lead the
    pandurs, a light infantry corps he belonged to, all the way back to Bucharest. It’s
    just that Vladimirescu would take the whole undertaking on his own once he got
    to Oltenia, since he saw himself with so much authority on his hands and with
    so many people looking up to him, so he managed to muster a 5,000-strong army
    corps or thereabouts. He would depart himself from the high-ranking boyars’
    project and head for Bucharest with the ever clearer intention of filling the
    power vacuum that occurred in the wake of the death of Wallachia’s last
    Phanariot ruling prince.


    But what, in terms of interest, united
    the high-ranking boyars and Tudor Vladimirescu ?

    Alin Ciupala:


    The
    high-ranking boyars and Tudor Vladimirescu did have a point in common, namely
    casting the Phanariotes out. The collaboration relationship saw its breakpoint
    the moment Tudor Vladimirescu took the action on his own, completely. When that
    happened, the high-ranking Romanian boyars would flee to Brasov and Sibiu,
    where they found protection, while Vladimirescu found himself all alone, trying
    to impose his own authority. We have lots of documents revealing his constant
    effort to obtain the support of the boyars who remained in the country, since
    the boyars were the only ones to give him the legitimacy he needed to hold a
    position of authority.


    T

    he Greek national movement awaited Russia’s great support.
    Such a support was never offered by Russia and Vladimirescu’s pandurs army
    corps splintered from the Greek army. The situation became unclear and the
    Ottoman troops set things to rights. Was the
    whole undertaking a failure?

    Alin Ciupala:


    These events and the Greek revolution
    overlapped, and the moment the Ottoman Empire was assured, via diplomatic
    channels, that Russia would not interfere for the support of the Greek
    revolution, the Ottoman military intervention was launched. Interesting to note
    that clashes between the Ottoman troops and Tudor Vladmidrescu’s pandurs army
    corps never happened, which is a clear sign of the fact that the aim of the
    Ottoman intervention was to quash the Greek revolution.


    Tudor Vladimirescu’s tragic end and the events rushing
    forward had nonetheless a positive effect on posterity. The Romanian elites
    would return on the throne of the Romanian Principalities, while the national
    strategy they thought out for the future would be more articulate.






  • Le règne de Constantin Brancovan

    Le règne de Constantin Brancovan

    Le règne de Constantin Brancovan (1688-1714) a été plutôt long et stable, chose inattendue pour une époque historique trouble, caractérisée par de nombreux changements au plus haut niveau des Principautés roumaines. Hormis les réformes qu’il a initiées en Valachie et l’essor de la culture pendant son règne, Constantin Brancovan est resté dans la mémoire des chroniqueurs aussi en raison de sa mort tragique. Les 15 — 16 août 1714, le prince Brancovan, âgé de 60 ans, ses quatre fils et son conseiller Ianache Vacarescu étaient décapités à Istanbul après cinq mois d’emprisonnement.



    Bogdan Murgescu, professeur d’histoire de l’empire ottoman à la Faculté d’histoire de l’Université de Bucarest, présente les principales caractéristiques du règne de Brancovan : « Constantin Brancovan est vu comme un bon administrateur. C’est de l’époque de son règne que datent les tentatives de réforme fiscale et les efforts de porter un regard plus détaillé sur les dépenses de fonds publics. Pendant 10 ans il a gardé un registre du trésor, qui est une source d’informations extraordinaire, témoignant en même temps de l’importance que le prince accordait au suivi des dépenses publiques. Il a réussi à faire entrer de l’argent dans le trésor public mais aussi dans sa propre bourse. Les Turcs l’appelaient « le prince de l’or », parce qu’il avait cette réputation de détenir une fortune considérable dont une partie – des propriétés et de l’argent – se trouvait à l’intérieur du pays, et une autre partie à l’étranger, y compris à Venise. Certes, il a aussi épargné, mais il a également fait bâtir plusieurs églises et résidences princières, et aidé au développement de la culture. »



    Toute personne qui détient le pouvoir se confronte à un moment donné à une certaine opposition, qui devient farouche quand il est question d’argent. Ses adversaires ont reproché à Constantin Brancovan la fermeté avec laquelle il collectait les impôts.



    Bogdan Murgescu : « Dans toute société, les impôts, on ne les aime pas. Evidemment, en Valachie les contribuables étaient confrontés à certaines contraintes. L’étude du registre du trésor public montre que, de temps en temps, les boyards étaient obligés à accorder des prêts au bénéfice du trésor. La stabilité du règne était également importante, vu qu’en général, le prince avait essayé d’éviter que le pays soit touché par les guerres qui ravageaient la région. Dans la première partie de son règne, cela ne lui a pas réussi, en raison d’une invasion autrichienne en Valachie. Mais à part cela, la Valachie a été plutôt épargnée par les interventions militaires étrangères et les destructions qu’elles entraînaient. Le pays a eu ainsi la possibilité de bénéficier d’une prospérité relative. »



    Les adversaires de Constantin Brancovan lui ont également reproché d’être turcophile, vu que les Valaques pouvaient mettre à profit la politique anti-ottomane déclenchée par l’Autriche.



    Bogdan Murgescu : « Ses opposants lui ont fait beaucoup de reproches, selon les différentes étapes de son règne, qui a été assez long : 25 ans et 4 mois. Au début il a été accusé de ne pas avoir rejoint le camp des chrétiens qui combattaient les Ottomans. Son avènement au trône survient au moment où son prédécesseur Serban Cantacuzène sembler se rapprocher des Autrichiens. Puis l’armée autrichienne est entrée en Valachie. Et pourtant Constantin Brancovan s’est fermement opposé à l’Autriche, ayant préféré se rapprocher de l’Empire ottoman aux côtés duquel il a lutté contre les Autrichiens. Il s’est également vu reprocher les décisions prises en 1711, l’année où le métropolite et une partie des boyards ont comploté contre le prince et pour une alliance avec la Russie, tandis qu’une partie de l’armée avait rejoint les troupes du tzar ; Constantin Brancovan a fait preuve d’une grande prudence, maintenant pratiquement la Valachie dans le camp ottoman. »



    Dans ce contexte, la mort tragique de Brancovan est une surprise toujours peu expliquée, croit Bogdan Murgescu : « L’exécution de Constantin Brancovan soulève un problème : il a été destitué et ensuite emmené à Istanbul où il a été interrogé et torturé pour qu’il dévoile tous les détails de sa fortune. Du point de vue ottoman, sa mise à mort est difficile à comprendre. Sa culpabilité n’a jamais été prouvée ; il n’y a eu que les richesses amassées et les relations avec les Etats voisins, mais cela n’avait pas périclité l’ordre ottoman. Il nous manque toujours une explication, soutenue par des documents probants, de la raison pour laquelle le sultan avait décidé de tuer le prince valaque et sa famille. Il existe des listes d’accusations et même de plaintes signées par certains de ses boyards, mais les explications précises manquent. L’exécution a été excessive même d’après les normes ottomanes. »



    Les milieux religieux roumains ont mis en avant l’idée du martyre des Brancovan, alors que les historiens sont réservés à ce propos. Bogdan Murgescu : « A l’époque, il y avait une coutume par laquelle un condamné à mort qui se convertissait à l’Islam était gracié, mais le fait d’être chrétien n’était pas une raison suffisante de l’exécuter. Les Turcs avaient désigné le chrétien Ştefan Cantacuzino (Cantacuzène) à la place de Brâncoveanu. Lorsqu’ils ont exécuté Ştefan lui-même et son père, le connétable Cantacuzène, ils ont nommé à la tête de la Valachie un autre chrétien, Nicolae Mavrocordat. Donc, la question de changer l’organisation du gouvernement de la Valachie ne s’est jamais posée. »



    Constantin Brancovan et ses fils ont été canonisés par l’Eglise orthodoxe roumaine au début des années 1990. L’imaginaire romantique anti-ottoman a recouru lui aussi à l’histoire du prince afin de mobiliser la nation roumaine pour l’édification de l’Etat moderne. (Trad. : Alexandru Diaconescu, Ligia Mihaiescu, Ileana Taroi)